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/Archives - Dates and Topics /2006 – online /May – June 2006 /Jun. 26 – Jul. 2 Print | Send to friend

The Nepal Accord



click here for related stories: democracy matters
6-26-06, 9:19 am


June 16 was a red-letter day in the history of Nepalese people's struggle for democracy. On that day the leadership of the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) that currently is managing the affairs of the country as the people's struggle forced King Gyanendra to reinstate the dissolved parliament and allow the alliance to form the interim government entered into a historic accord with the Maoists who have so far eschewed the parliamentary struggle but played a significant role in the struggle against the monarchy.

The Accord provides for drafting of interim constitution, dissolution of both the houses of parliament and Maoists controlled local self-governments through mutual consultation and prepare ground for the holding of the elections to the constituent assembly within a year. The drafting of the interim constitution, for which a five-member committee has been formed, will be over within two weeks and this will pave way for an interim administration in Nepal that will arrange the elections to the constituent assembly.

It may be recalled that in April, after intensive and massive three week long struggle waged by the SPA and supported by the Maoists with synchronising struggles, King Gyanendra who had assumed absolute power after dissolving the parliament was forced to reinstate the parliament and hand over the reins of power to the SPA leadership. As interim measure, the SPA constituent including the CPN (UML) formed a government under the premiership of Girja Prasad Koirala. Though all the constituents of the SPA did not join the government at one go, which was the only possible alternative in an emergency situation like one prevailing in Nepal at that moment of history. Maoists insisted on and the CPN (UML) supported the idea that Koirala government could not be ever lasting arrangement for holding the elections to the Constituent assembly. Some interim arrangement has to be worked out. Drafting of interim constitution paving way for interim administration is the measures that meet the demand of the extremists.

Another significant aspect of the historic accord is agreement on inviting the United Nation to manage and monitor the arms of both armies (state army and the rebel army), keep watch on the ceasefire and help in holding the elections to the constituent assembly. These should keep away certain unwanted conciliators who wanted to fish in the troubled waters of Nepal.

The present accord was possible as the SPA, particularly the CPN (UML) had realised during the struggle against the autocratic rule of Gyanendra that without joining forces with the Maoists, the people's struggle will not reach to the desired destination. Maoists too realised that waging the lonely armed struggle will keep the group isolated from the masses. This realisation forced the two sides to sign a 12-point accord for synchronising their struggles. The understanding between the two streams of the people's struggle had had its impact and the ultimate victory was of the masses.

Ideologically speaking the most significant part of the accord is the expression of commitment to competitive and multi-party politics, the rule of law, civil rights, human rights, and freedom of press. It means the Maoists who so far have disregarded the validity of the parliamentary struggle for the advancement of the revolutionary struggle will now join the competitive and multi-party politics. This shift in the attitude of the Nepalese Maoists will have its impact on those in this subcontinent who still are in the illusion that individual terrorism is the true "revolutionary path". This accord should also shatter the dream of those who were talking about a non-existent "revolutionary corridor" from Kathmandu to Vishakhapatnam.

--From the New Age (Weekly), Central Organ of the Communist Party of India (CPI), June 25 – July 1, 2006


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