5-24-07, 1:00 pm

Labor struggles and organized labor have played decisive but under-appreciated roles in the quality of life struggles in Grenada and throughout the region. The laborer’s role in forging our national consciousness and improving our lot has been crucial throughout our history. It is the trade-union movement that gave birth to the region’s first generation of political leaders, spanning the period of 1930’s to the 1950’s and later taking us to formal political independence. It has been argued that the entire history of the Caribbean is a history of labor. Indeed much of the basic benefits we now enjoy as citizens emerged from the crucible of generations of labor struggles. Grenadians have individually and collectively benefited from labor struggle victories regardless of whether one has ever been a member of a trade union.

Impact of the March 13 Revolution on Grenada’s Labor Movement

The New Jewel Movement’s almost bloodless overthrow of Eric Gairy in 1979 was met by great enthusiasm by the Grenadian working people. Working-class activists (including labor organizers) played seminal roles in the birth and successes of the March 13, 1979 revolution. Never before in Grenadian history were working people and trade unionists as represented in a government.

The People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG) rule saw a flowering of trade unionism and several laws were introduced protecting workers from workplace abuse and exploitation. The Maternity Leave Law of 1980, which protected women from being fired due to pregnancy, directly impacted many working-class families. Workers’ organizations and trade unions’ interests were ensured in the formation of the national budget. Trade unions were fully involved in all aspects of decision-making on economic matters. A former leader of the Caribbean Labor Congress (CLC) was appointed legal advisor to the government and later Attorney General.

During the revolution efforts towards creating a “popular democracy” of grassroots decision-making, including workers in various capacities, flourished. Trade-union membership tripled under the new mandatory union recognition law, a novelty in the Caribbean at the time. There was also a tremendous growth in radical trade-union activism and many unions established affiliation with international radical trade unions, such as the World Federation of Trade Unions. There was broad expansion of the trade-union movement. Maurice Bishop and other leaders of the revolution made frequent visits to workplaces and there was a program of systematic class conscious worker education at the point of production.

By the time of the collapse of the revolution unemployment had dropped to under 15 percent and many benefits favoring workers were accomplished. These gains ranged from stabilization of the prices of foods and other essential commodities to formation of a cooperative sector in agriculture; a national non-partisan house repair program; a nationwide campaign to wipe out illiteracy; elimination of school fees and expansion of education on all levels.

The demise of the revolution saw a new phase of unionism in Grenada. The traditional May Day celebrations assumed maturity and became institutionalized, still impacted by the momentum of the revolution era. May Day in the post-revolution era reflects the polarity of the gap between the interest of workers and subsequent administrations, arguably assuming a healthy alternative democratic space.

Labor has retained a voice in Parliament with the Trade Union Council (TUC) represented in Parliament solely to defend labor’s interest. General secretary of the TUC and TAWU, Chester Humphrey, has been representing Grenadian labor, under the auspices of the TUC, since 1988.

Probably more than anything else, the present polarization of labor and government is reflected by the introduction of the controversial Labor Relations Act (LRA) of 1993, which some see as a throw back to repressive legislations of previous eras. The LRA gives the government the right to establish tribunals empowered to make “binding and final” rulings when a labor dispute is considered of vital interest to the state. The Grenada Trade Union Council claims that the law is an infringement on the right to strike. Many anti-labor measures presently obtain in the post-US invasion era. For example, while workers are free to form and join independent labor unions, employers are not legally obliged to recognize a union formed by their employees.

Grenadian Labor and Globalization

The fact that approximately 26 percent of Grenada’s work force is unionized is proof that in present day Grenada, trade unionism and working-class consciousness are still alive. This figure represents a certain measure of stability in spite of losses caused by Hurricane Ivan in 2004, particularly in the agricultural sector. Post-Ivan unionization drives have compensated for such losses. Organized workers are mostly concentrated in agriculture, utilities, service, retail, manufacturing and finance. Approximately 43 percent of Grenada’s organized work force is comprised of working women, similar to the overall working population sex ratio.

There are presently eight recognized unions in the country: Grenada Union of Teachers (GUT); Technical and Allied Workers’ Union (TAWU); Public Workers Union; Bank and General Workers Union (BGWU); Commercial and Industrial Workers Union (CIWU); Taxi Owners and Drivers Association (TODA); Seamen and Waterfront Workers Union (SWWU); and Grenada Maritime Manual and Intellectual Workers Union (GMMIWU). Grenada’s unions are affiliated with a wide range of regional and international trade unions and cooperate with these bodies in various ways.

The Grenada Trades Union Council – the umbrella trade union body – is affiliated with Caribbean Congress of Labor (CCL) and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU). Individual trade unions are affiliated with different international trade secretariats. For example, TAWU and CIWU are affiliated with the Union Network International (UNI), which represents over 16 million workers throughout the world. Another example is TAWU’s and BGWU’s affiliation to the International Union of Foods (IUF).

A major threat to unionism in Grenada and in the Caribbean at present is capitalist globalization. The process of globalization facilitates a concerted united front approach of corporations in penetrating markets, weakening existing national structures, and in many cases, eliminating labor organizations and labor laws around the world.

According to TAWU’s general secretary, André Lewis, many foreign companies and multinationals are vigorously fighting to eliminate the many benefits that Grenadian workers enjoy. Lewis points out that these benefits are largely legacies of the Grenada Revolution, particularly the laws passed by the People’s Revolutionary Government (1979 – 1983) allowing workers to enjoy greater trade union rights. “As a result of capitalist globalization, companies find it much easier to get governments to side with them in a bid to try to weaken the labor movement,” Lewis said. Lewis posits that the trade unions are defending Grenadian workers against globalization by reestablishing and strengthening regional solidarity within the labor movement, and by trying to ensure that workers’ rights and benefits are standardized as much as possible throughout the region…. Most importantly, the labor movement is trying to influence the decision-making process, especially in relation to the protection of labor.

This phase of trade unionism coincides with growing regional integration at the state levels, capitalist globalization, and the mass migration of Grenadians to the US and other developed countries. According to IMF data, Grenada tops a list of countries with the highest labor force emigration rates to the developed countries. Fifty-five percent of Grenada’s labor force migrated to such countries between 1970 and 2000. Apart from the extraordinarily high migration rates, one of the disturbing characteristics of migration from Grenada is the loss of the educated population. Grenada has one of the highest tertiary emigration rates to the developing countries. Between 1965 and 2000, the country sent 75 percent of its tertiary and 61 percent of its secondary, labor force to the US alone.

Grenada is also one of the world’s highest remittance countries. Though many Grenadians may take solace in this huge diaspora that results from decades of brain drain, the data shows that the losses due to migration outweigh the official recorded remittances. It is obvious that this enormous loss of high skill labor is actually having a negative impact on Grenada’s productive forces and the quality of life of its citizens.

The Emerging Era of CSME

One of the most talked-about regional issues at corporate and government level at the moment is the Caribbean Single Market and Economy (CSME). The CSME, which came in literally with the toll of New Year 2006, takes a historic step towards implementation of a Caricom Single Market (CSM), and a move towards greater regional unity. Though the CSM is fragile and of questionable clout at the moment, this makes Caricom only the second regional grouping in the world after the European Union to form a single market. The CSME presents dangers and opportunities for expanding civil rights in the region. One of the immediate dangers is the lack of discussion on these implications on the levels of labor and grass roots.

The process which began with the CSM and its removal of barriers to trade, goods, services and several categories of labor will conclude with the implementation of the CSME by the end of 2008. CSM formally began with the larger Caricom economies signing. The six Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), including Grenada, only recently signed the agreement (June 30), following their letter of intent. Representing a sub-regional block, the delay was due to OECS stipulation that assurances needed to be made for their primary concern – their economic vulnerability and disadvantage of the CSME arrangements to the subregion’s 500,000 people within the wider economy.

When fully implemented, the CSME will involve a single currency and a uniform economic policy. The CSME involves the free flow of labor, goods and capital among Caricom member states.

The most debated issue is the implications for employment. The free movement of labor is presently limited to qualified and skilled persons. There is concern that the full implications of CSM/CSME for the Caribbean working people, workers’ rights and unionism are not being adequately addressed.

The CSME will have profound impact on the labor movement in the Caribbean. An aspect of the plan that would have a direct impact on the labor movement in the region and on Grenada in particular is the Free Movement of Skilled Labor that is integral to the implementation of the CSM. Soon nationals from all Caribbean territories will move freely to work or to look for work in various categories of employment, including tertiary-trained teachers and nurses. Free labor movement across the Caribbean is already accepted by many nations. The provisions already allow for the free movement of labor in many territories without restrictions for university graduates, media workers, sports persons, artists and musicians with a regional skills certificate. The pool will soon expand to include higglers, artisans, domestic workers and hospitality workers.

By all accounts, the CSME is a business-led initiative that is actually being touted by its prominent architects as a response to capitalist globalization. The interest of the labor movement in Grenada and the wider region are lacking in these discussions. There are several questions that are yet unanswered, particularly regarding how workers interests fit in these equations: Will the Caribbean labor movement be reorganized to take up these trans-territorial issues? Will we now see May Day celebrations and initiatives take on regional manifestations? Will this usher in an era of trans-territorial labor unions and trans-territorial trade-union activism? Will labor unions take up the plight of intra-Caribbean migrant workers? The answers to these questions will determine how well the Caribbean labor movement responds to the demands on Caribbean labor in this era of capitalist-led globalization. In order to understand the dangers of capitalist-led globalization on the economy of Grenada and the wider region, it is important to understand what globalization is, its promises and shortcomings. Critics of globalization argue that capitalist global economic integration favors the already wealthy (internationally as well as within countries) while hurting the world’s poor and poor nations in general.

Proponents of globalization argue that capitalist economic integration is good for the world and that it is perceived as such by the poor. The World Bank, for example, points to a 2002 poll conducted by the Pew Global Attitude Survey showing that in sub-Saharan Africa 75 percent of households thought that multinational corporations had a positive influence on their countries. The study concluded that people in poor countries generally blame their local governments, not globalization, for their country’s ills.

One of the strongest arguments of the globalization skeptics is that while globalization continues apace, there is little discussion on its implications for the people who would likely be most affected by the phenomenon. This argument is bolstered by the fact that most poor countries became poorer with the emergence of capitalist globalization as well as the many studies showing how little the implications of globalization are discussed and understood.

Others are advocating a different, more equitable globalization. For example the United Nation’s International Labor Organization (ILO) sees respect for workers and civil rights as essential. According to a recent ILO press release, opportunities for men and women to obtain productive work in conditions of freedom, equity, security and dignity are essential to ensuring the eradication of hunger and poverty, the improvement of the economic and social well-being for all, the achievement of sustained economic growth and sustainable development of all nations, and a fully inclusive and equitable globalization.

In Grenada, a strong labor movement is one such guarantee.

Grenada and other eastern Caribbean countries have already felt a major jolt of one of globalization’s salient features – the removal of trade barriers by powerful countries in favor of obtaining the lowest pay from workers in developing countries. The World Trade Organization (WTO) ruled in 2002 that EU preferential trade with Caribbean, African and Pacific banana producers is unfair trade. This ruling was decidedly in favor of the US corporations’ Latin American grown bananas.

The ruling ended preferential export of Caribbean bananas to the European market, which was established more than a decade ago with the Lome agreement. As a result, Caribbean producers now face stiff new competition for the EU markets with US corporate banana interests (particularly the strong US Chiquita lobby). This has led to a major crisis in the agricultural sector in the region, especially in the banana reliant smaller economies such as Grenada, rendering thousands of banana farmers unemployed.

Whichever side Grenadian workers, labor organizations or business people stand on the globalization debate, it is without doubt that globalization is an overriding feature of the contemporary world economy that all interests must contend with. Grenada unions have recognized the need for globalization education throughout the country. One of the most organic ways this can be accomplished is in the context of CSME. With over one fourth of our work force unionized and Grenada trade union’s proven ability to mobilize more Grenadians than any other single civil institution, the labor movement is well-positioned to be this vehicle.

Following the course of Grenada’s labor history, it may be worthwhile to consider the imperative of strengthening the labor movement – fundamentally expanding labor rights, i.e., civil rights – while ties with the wider region and the world are advanced. This is the best assurance that the interest of the country’s small, vulnerable economy will be safeguarded.